Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

i^j Taylor & Francis

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Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

Author(s): M. J. Geller

Source: Folklore, Vol. 108 (1997), pp. 1-7

Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of Folklore Enterprises, Ltd.

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Folklore 108 (1997):l-7

FIFTEENTH KATHARINE BRIGGS MEMORIAL LECTURE, NOVEMBER 1996

Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

M.J. Geller

No other system of Western or Near Eastern magic,
neither Greek nor Egyptian nor Jewish, is as well-pre-
served and as highly developed as Mesopotamian
magic in terms of the quantity and variety of magical
texts. Much of what we might call "ancient psychol-
ogy" was expressed in incantations, which were mostly
written as forms of therapy to help people in distress.
Although so many of Freud's ideas on magic and psy-
chology have been thoroughly discussed and digested,
his theories have never been applied to Mesopotamia.
His almost total lack of awareness of the richness of
cuneiform literature is understandable, of course, but
we can still lament it.

A cuneiform tablet from around 700 B.C. records
the following notes of an ancient physician:

If a man had a mishap, and he does not know how it
happened, or he constantly has losses and debts (such
as) losses of barley and silver, or losses of slaves and
slave-girls, or of oxen, sheep, dogs, and pigs, as well
as acquaintances regularly dying; he constantly suf-
fers from anxiety, he speaks but no one obeys, calls
but no one answers; (instead of) achieving his desires
or watching over his household, he constantly shivers
in bed, or suffers from paralysis throughout his limbs,
his heart is filled (with anger) towards god and king,
his limbs are flaccid, and at times he is frightened and
cannot sleep day or night, he constantly has disturb-
ing dreams, he suffers from paralysis from lack of food
and drink, he forgets what he is saying while speak-
ing: that man has the anger of a god or goddess upon
him (Ritter and Kinnier Wilson 1980, 24-6).

This sounds like a man who needs to see a psychoana-
lyst.

In modern terms we might suggest that the patient is
suffering from "neurosis," or "phobia," or "depression."
Freud himself gives a surprisingly similar description
of the type of patient an analyst might confront:

A patient ... may be suffering from fluctuations in his
moods which he cannot control, or from a sense of
despondency by which his energy feels paralysed be-
cause he thinks he is incapable of doing anything prop-
erly, or from a nervous embarrassment among stran-
gers. He may perceive, without understanding the rea-
son for it, that he has difficulties in carrying out his
professional work, or indeed any comparatively im-
portant decision or any undertaking. He may one day
have suffered from a distressing attack — unknown in
its origin — of feelings of anxiety ... (Freud ed. Freud
1991, 8).

But in antiquity, of course, such problems were associ-
ated squarely with demons.

Misfortunes were either caused by angry gods
whom the patient had somehow managed to offend,
or by malicious and malevolent demons. These were
perceived as the agents which most directly affected
the patient's psyche or health. It would be helpful to
know what these demons were thought to look like,
since pictures of ancient demons might provide some
insights into the inner workings of the Mesopotamian
mind. In reality, scholars are often surprised at how
abstract the demons are in magical texts, and how of-
ten they are devoid of any real personality, as in the
following example:

The evil Udug-demon, which is let loose in the street,
seeks contact with a man, the evil Ala-demon, which is
let loose in the street, envelops people. The evil ghost,
which is let loose in the street, turns a man into a corpse,
the evil Galla-demon, which is let loose in the street,
snatches people away (Geller 1985, 31 lines 170-3).

The demons are dangerous, but what do they look like?
In one description the demons are like birds:

They are let loose, they screech above, they twitter
below. They are the poisonous gall of the gods. They
are a great storm released from heaven. They are
the owl which hoots in the city. They are spawned
in heaven, they are children born of earth. On high
roofs and broad roofs, they whirl like a flood
(ibid., 40-1 line 362ff.).

Another demon, the Ala-demon, is described as cloud-
like and amorphous, having no human form:

Whether you be the evil Ala who has no mouth,
Whether you be the evil Ala who has no limbs,
Whether you be the evil Ala who hears not,
Whether you be the evil Ala who has no countenance,
Whether you be the evil Ala who is not seen in the

daytime,
Whether you may be the evil Ala who, on the couch

at night, spills (semen) from a man in his sleep,
Or whether you may be the evil Ala who, as "sleep-
robber," always stands about in order to deprive

a man (of sleep),
Whether you may be the evil Ala who is a god

stalking at night, who does not recoil from filthy

hands,
Or whether you may be the evil Ala who urinates

like an ass while crouching over a man

(ibid., 137 lines 8-24).

M.J. Geller

The Sumerian demon Maskim, on the other hand,
whose name literally means "bailiff," is a police-like
figure, whom we might describe as the demonic
equivalent to a corrupt official, against whom one is
virtually powerless (cf . Falkenstein 1956, 49ff .). A simi-
lar demon is the Galla-demon, equivalent to the
Netherworld police who accompany Inanna from the
Netherworld as she emerges to search for a substitute
(cf. Sladek 1974, 65f. and 309ff.; also Geller 1985, 46-7
lines 468ff.). A third demon, the Asag, was the name
of a mythological anti-hero, a formidable enemy from
neighbouring mountains who was once foolhardy
enough to challenge the powerful god Ninurta to bat-
tle, and lost (Jacobsen 1988, 225ff.). His name also de-
notes the asakku-disease, 1 and the word for "taboo."
This does not necessarily mean that the disease was
thought to be brought on by the violation of a taboo,
and in fact the relationship between these different
meanings of Asag/ asakku is unclear. This demonstrates
a general problem of interpreting demon names, since
the appellations of "bailiff-demon" or "gendarme-
demon" or "taboo-demon" simply do not provide
enough information to explain the role these demons
played in the Mesopotamian psyche. Here is where a
Freudian analysis of these incantations might help us.

Ego, Id and Superego

There is no Mesopotamian terminology for Freud's
"id," "ego" and "superego." Nevertheless, one omen-
series from Mesopotamia, known as Summa dlu, con-
tains a section dealing with omens derived from so-
cial and sexual practices, which might help identify
some general aspects of Mesopotamian personality
structure. The omens are, as expected, orientated to-
ward male rather than female sexuality, but they may
provide some relevant data.

The ego is most clearly defined by Freud in relation
to feelings of love and hate, which he describes as origi-
nating at first from narcissism and auto-erotic organ-
pleasure. Sexual love develops out of instincts of in-
corporating or devouring (Freud ed. Freud 1991,
214ff.). This can be seen in the following Mesopota-
mian love incantation:

I hold you fast, just like Ishtar held Dumuzi,
And the beer god (Siras) holds her drinker. I have

bound you with my hairy mouth,
In my urine(-filled) vulva,

In my saliva(-filled) mouth, in my urine(-filled) vulva.
May no strange woman go behind you.
The dog is crouching, the wild boar is crouching,
But you are crouched down at my crotch
(Wilcke 1985).

Reports of dreams and dream omens from Meso-
potamia can also offer a slight glimpse into the id or
collective unconscious of ancient society. 2 Dreams are
essentially types of omens: having sex with one's
mother in a dream has nothing whatever to do with
any incest taboos, but is simply recorded as a sign that

portends something good or bad, without reference to
any moral questions. This is similar to how Freud per-
ceives dreams, as windows into the id, the unconscious
mind which is not guided by rules and regulations but
is free to express repressed desires and activities which
would otherwise be shockingly improper. Mesopota-
mian dream reports supply a rich source for such
thoughts, presumably drawn from actual dreams
which were reported to the scribes and carefully re-
corded as part of the science of omens. Much of the
symbolism which Freud finds in dreams appears in
Mesopotamian dream reports as well, as one might
expect. 3 Nevertheless, it is impossible to analyse an-
cient dreams according to Freud's notions of latent or
manifest parts of dreams, obviously because one can-
not interview patients to find out what they were think-
ing about on the day they had the dream, which is a
crucial element in Freud's method. Nevertheless, some
elements of ancient dreams can be analysed, particu-
larly those parts which touch upon relevant symbols
and which may indicate repressed thoughts or fears,
usually associations with sex or death. 4
A selection of these dreams is as follows:

If a man has sex with the goddess Ishtar,

If he has sex with a god,

If he has sex with a king,

If he has sex with an important person,

If he has sex with a priestess,

If he has sex with a wife of the king,

If he has sex with a daughter of the king,

If he has sex with another man's wife,

If he has sex with a corpse, etc.

(Oppenheim 1956 line 290ff.). 5

Such dreams include necrophilia and adultery, which
were certainly unseemly behaviour, and even homo-
sexuality may have been frowned upon. Other dreams
concern contact with the dead, supernatural occur-
rences such as stars falling upon a man, drinking wine
and beer, or urinating into the canal, all of which Freud
would recognise as the "dark, inaccessible part of our
personality; what little we know of it we have learnt
from our study of dream-work and the construction
of neurotic symptoms ... we call it a chaos, a cauldron
full of seething excitations" (Jacobs 1995, 57).

The superego also has a role to play in Mesopota-
mian sex omens: "if a man has a woman grasp his pe-
nis he is impure and no god will accept his prayer." 6
The rules of good behaviour and etiquette imposed by
society appear to forbid such actions, which may be
pleasurable but are not allowed.

Repression

Repression was one of the basic planks of Freud's
theory of personality, which he defined as "turning
something away, and keeping it at a distance, from the
conscious" (Freud ed. Freud 1991, 524). According to
Freud, thoughts or feelings which cause anxiety are
pushed into the unconscious, and the person then de-

Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

nies any awareness of the cause of the anxiety. If the
repression is not completely effective, then a state of
anxiety can be stimulated by the unconscious mind
producing threatening feelings without the patient
being aware of the reason for the anxiety This is where
the descriptions of the demons may help the incanta-
tion treat the sufferer. The process of denial can be in-
fluenced by focusing on the demon as the cause of the
anxiety, particularly if it reminds the patient of those
intimate feelings which were originally repressed. Re-
pression, as explained by Freud, takes many forms,
some of which can clearly be detected in Mesopota-
mian incantations.

One obvious example of repression occurs in the
so-called ardat lili incantations, which feature the
maiden ghost who is frustrated by never having had
normal sexual relations:

the maiden is like a woman who never had intercourse,
like a woman who was never deflowered, one who
never experienced sex in her husband's lap, one who
never peeled off her clothes in her husband's lap, one
for whom no nice-looking lad ever loosened her gar-
ment-clasp (Geller 1988, 14).

The ardat lili or maiden ghost returns from the
Netherworld in this incantation to haunt a human vic-
tim with whom she might have the type of normal
sexual relations which she never experienced while still
living. The idea of a young maiden coming at night to
have sex with a man is a frequent and even pleasur-
able fantasy, which does not explain why this image of
the succubus was to be feared. Jewish magic dreaded
the image of the succubus because of nocturnal emis-
sions or wet dreams through which demons could pre-
sumably be spawned, but this fear does not seem to be
represented in Mesopotamian texts. 7

Denial

A Freudian interpretation might suggest that the fear
of copulation with a demon represents the unconscious
repression of the desire for illicit sex, perhaps an in-
cestuous relationship. Freud argued that males neces-
sarily repress the desire to have sex with their moth-
ers or engage in other incestuous relationships and that
much of such repression is necessarily unconscious
(Freud ed. Freud 1991, 360-2). Hence, the young girl
in ardat lili incantations is a virgin, which might well
invoke the repressed desire of a man to have illicit in-
tercourse with a daughter or young sister or indulge
in an otherwise forbidden liaison. In this case, one type
of repression expressed here might be "denial/' the com-
monest of defense mechanisms known to Freud, in which
a person's thoughts or feelings which cause anxiety are
repressed into the unconscious, and the person then de-
nies any awareness of the cause of the anxiety. If the re-
pression is not completely effective, then a state of anxi-
ety can be stimulated by the unconscious mind produc-
ing threatening feelings, without the patient being aware
of the reason for the state of anxiety (ibid., 525).

Displacement

A second type of repression represented in these par-
ticular incantations would be labelled by Freud as "dis-
placement," in which the demon acts as a substitute
for the original repressed desires (ibid., 531). It is the
incestuous desire which is projected onto the demon
in the incantation, namely that she wishes to have in-
tercourse with the patient, and he can now safely
refuse. The ritual which accompanies the incantation
prescribes the making of male and female figurines,
dressed in wedding robes, which are to be married to
each other in a mock marriage ceremony (Geller 1988,
35 and 21; Lackenbacher 1971, 126). The ritual then
displaces the object of repressed desire when the statue
or image of the ardat lili is married to a male ghost, in
order to deflect her attentions away from her human
victim. Anxiety can also be caused by repressed guilt.
This process, for instance, is apparent in descriptions
of ghosts or types of demons which regularly visit a
household:

Whether you are the "[let me eat with] him daily"-

demon,
or the "[let me drink with] him daily"-demon,
or the "[let me anoint myself with] him daily" -

demon,
or the "[let me get dressed with] him daily" -demon;
or the "let me anoint myself with him when I'm

lousy" -demon,
or the "let me get dressed with him on his lap when

I'm cold" -demon
(Geller 1985, 38-9 lines 328-33).

Here we have descriptions of everyday neurotic im-
ages, of either ghosts or demons who participate in
normal daily activities with their victims, including
getting dressed, bathed or anointed. This list might
indicate types of ghosts who return to their old haunts
or acquaintances, because they have no one to offer
them the proper funerary rites and offerings; they come
back to trouble those who once knew them and now
neglect them (ibid., 146f.). 8 The repressed feelings here
expressed by this list might be the patient's guilt re-
sulting from a feeling that he has neglected his obliga-
tions towards parents or forebears. He transfers those
feelings by describing the ghosts as "demons." Accord-
ing to Freud, repressed feelings of guilt are often asso-
ciated with melancholy or depression, which may be
relevant to the following passage:

They are not held back either by door or bolt,
but they slither through the door like a snake.
They carry off the wife away from the husband's lap,
they remove the son from his father's knee,
they take the bridegroom from his father-in-law's house.
[They are] the sleep and stupor which [follow]
behind a [man] (ibid., 40-1 lines 369-74).

This description of the demons as slipping into the
house like snakes (which may have its own associa-
tions with phobia) features two undesirable results:
first, the demons cause the interruption of normal sexu-

MJ. Geller

ality by driving the wife from her husband's lap and
the groom from the wedding house; 9 second, the de-
mons bring sleep and stupor upon a man — presumably
signs of depression, one of the most common catego-
ries of known psychological disorders. The general de-
scriptions of the various demons as a "storm" which
darkens everything or as a cloud which covers the man
like a garment (cf. Geller 1985, 20-1 line 15) may well
represent depression:

Internal disease and stricture, sickness, headache,
and the Ala-demon covering the patient,

(All) agitated the distraught man like a storm and
sprinkled him with gall.

That patient will progressively lose his vitality,
undulating [like a wave],

[He will neither be able to] dine [nor] drink

(ibid., 58-9 lines 650-54).

The demons are therefore responsible for the interrup-
tion of normal intimate family life or they bring on de-
pression, resulting in a loss of desire and appetite (or
Freudian "drives") which are precisely the types of situ-
ations resulting from states of anxiety.

The role of sex in Mesopotamian incantations also
includes rituals and incantations to help a man get or
maintain an erection by having a woman rub his mem-
ber with oils, while making salacious comments com-
paring the man to various priapic animals:

Wild ass, wild ass, wild bull, wild bull! Who has made
you limp like loose ropes, who has blocked your pas-
sage like a street, who has poured cold water on your
heart (i.e. penis) who has caused depression in your
mind, and sleeplessness ... (Biggs 1967, 19).

The reason for the impotence is clearly stated: "My
witch and my witch, my sorceress and my sorceress,
you have loosened me like drawn cords" (ibid., 21). It
seems clear that performance anxiety may have caused
the impotence, and in some cases the potency incanta-
tions may have been effective in dealing with the anxi-
ety. This defense mechanism is a form of "displace-
ment," which in this case redirects the cause of the anxi-
ety on to a witch. 10

Projection

Another characteristic of repression is "projection," in
which internal perceptions are externalised and pro-
jected on to something else. An interesting Mesopota-
mian example of projection can be found in a particu-
lar group of spells known as Egalkurra incantations, a
type of "black magic" which was intended to treat the
patient who was overwhelmed by fear and hatred of
his enemies at court:

You of heaven, pay attention, you of earth, listen to my
voice, until I pinch the cheeks together of my enemy at
court, and I tear out his tongue, I force his words back
into his mouth, so that his own mouth interferes with
his talking, and I won't even allow him to fart
(Ebeling 1931, 34).

These spells are intended to blunt the threat of slander
or gossip behind his back before the king or at court.
The incantations in part defend the innocence of the
courtier, by claiming that he has done nothing treach-
erous or treasonous or without the king's knowledge;
in part, too, they magically call for the binding of the
enemy's tongue. The accompanying rituals necessitate
the right make-up and clothing to be worn at court,
including deodorant-like oils and lapis jewels; these are
intended to impress the king and make him glad to see
the client when he enters the palace.

These incantations reveal something of the psychol-
ogy of the time. Rivals or enemies may only have ex-
isted in the patient's mind; in other words, such incan-
tations are treating a mild form of paranoia (Kinnier
Wilson 1965). Moreover, they were probably not com-
posed for someone who actually faced intrigues at
court. It is more likely they they were used by ordinary
individuals within the Mesopotamian bureaucracy who
imagined they had rivals. One can only speculate as to
how reciting such incantations was thought to solve
the problem and how they were thought to work.

A Freudian approach might suggest that they were
a type of defence mechanism in which a man projects
repressed feelings on to others, so that hatred of col-
leagues is experienced as the hatred of colleagues to-
wards oneself. There is no magical vanquishing of a
potential enemy here. Rather, one feels better because
one's own repressed anxieties and hatreds are inter-
preted as the jealousy and hatred of rivals. This is a
kind of "projection," which attributes to others unac-
ceptable feelings which are actually one's own. Such
defense mechanisms occur in a context in which social
aggression is unacceptable, so that the incantations may
have actually assisted the patient in sublimating his
original feelings of alienation.

Reaction Formation

The defense mechanism known as "reaction formation"
(Jacobs 1995, 38; Freud ed. Freud 1991, 533) can be seen
in the so-called "baby" incantations in which the ba-
by's crying functions as the "demon" (see Farber 1989).
The baby's howling will disturb the gods and must be
stilled through the incantation. One utilitarian expla-
nation of the application of these incantations which
has been suggested is that they serve as a lullaby (ibid.,
152). However, a baby with colic will often not respond
to a lullaby, and the explanation fails to account for the
hostility expressed in the incantations.

You there, child, human-born, now that you have
come out, now that you have seen the daylight, why
didn't you act this way in your mother's womb?
Instead of treating your father properly, or letting
your mother go out in public, you have upset the
nursemaid, and you have kept the wetnurse awake.
Because of your crying, the household god cannot
sleep, nor does sleep overcome the household goddess
(Gurney 1989, 19; and cf. Farber 1989 line 34f.).

Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

One might assume here that the baby is possessed by a
demon which causes it to cry, but since the baby itself
is the demon, no exorcism is implied. The question
therefore is how magic is supposed to help either the
baby or the parents. It is often the case that a parent
may feel angry and hostile towards a child, particu-
larly a crying child, and at the same time feel intense
guilt and anxiety because of the negative feelings it trig-
gers. In the "baby" incantations, the natural hostility
felt by parents towards a crying baby is openly admit-
ted by declaring that the baby is a demon, and the guilt
is thereby neutralised. Since the incantation allows the
parents to express hostility towards the crying baby, a
more physical form of dealing with the problem, such
as striking the baby, is thereby possibly avoided. The
incantation acts as a "reaction formation," in which feel-
ings are replaced by their opposites, e.g. sadism is re-
placed by compassion (Jacobs 1995, 38; Freud ed. Freud
1991, 533). The "baby" incantations counter the sup-
pressed feelings of hostility towards the baby by de-
claring that the baby's crying is waking the gods.

Bad Parents

There are other demons, unlike the ardat lili, who are
expressly seen as sexless:

They are the Seven, they are the Seven, they are the
Seven from the source of the Apsu, they are Seven,
adorned ones in Heaven, who grew up in the source of
the Apsu, in the cella. Neither male nor female, they
are the [wraiths] who flit about, they have [no spouse]
and bear no child. They do not know whom to spare
or save, nor do they give ear to prayer or supplication
(Geller 1985, 42-3 lines 401-9).

Here demons are described as gods gone bad: although
they have grown up in heaven, with all the right cre-
dentials and advantages, they have turned malevolent.
In particular, they lack the usual instincts associated
with sex and offspring: they do not know how to love,
show pity or act protectively towards children, as hu-
mans or gods might do.

Such a description conforms to Freud's suggestion
that God is a parent figure (Jacobs 1995, 61), which in
this case can be easily transferred to pagan Mesopota-
mian gods, with the opposite proposition applying to
demons: they are the opposite of one's parents, they do
not care about us, and that makes them all the more
frightening. We might be able to detect here the ves-
tiges of repressed feelings against one's parents, as when
the child is scolded or chastised, and then concludes
that the parent does not love him. The resultant re-
pressed guilt may be expressed here by transferring
these feelings on to a demon, who fulfils this role of the
unloving and chastising parent, similar to the angry
gods of other incantations. Occasionally the sexual im-
agery referring to demons is metaphorical, somewhat
akin to Freud's use of symbols and objects referring to
sex, as in the following passage:

They are the evil ones who [wander about in the city].
They [slaughter] the cattle in the pen, they [slaughter]
the sheep in the sheepfold. They [seize the one lying]
in his wife's room, having taken the child from the
nursemaid's lap. [They murder] the father and son to-
gether, and they spear the mother together with her
child like fish in the water. They know neither offering
[nor] supplication, they were harsh towards the man
in the street (Geller 1985, 56-7 lines 620-8).

The sexual imagery is predominant: according to Freud,
the Frauenzimmer or woman's room is symbolic for the
womb or sex. The slaughter of both cattle and children
and the spearing of the mother and child are metaphors
for demons invading the womb or perhaps displacing
the husband in his own sexual role, with resultant dan-
gers for father, mother and potential offspring. We could
analyse this passage as fear of castration, in which the
demon takes over the sexual role of the man by invad-
ing the woman's womb with his spear.

Phobias

There are other manifestations of psychological prob-
lems which might be cast as demons, and the more ex-
treme cases fall into the category of phobia. The sub-
jects of the earliest incantations are frequently snakes
or (less frequently) scorpions. There is scant reference
to demons in these incantations, since the snake itself
is the object of fear, and the incantations occasionally
include a long list of different types of snakes. It seems
obvious — even in ancient Mesopotamia — that snake-
bite could not be cured by incantations, and one must
therefore look elsewhere to explain the popularity of
these texts. So, it is the fear of the snake itself and the
association of the snake with the penis (Freud 1965, 392)
that becomes the problem. Mesopotamian incantations
likewise refer to the snake "who coils up in the human
womb," corresponding to the "womb-snake." 11 This cer-
tainly has the appearance of a phobia. The demons are
frequently compared to serpents who crawl under the
door of the house, and the many names of snakes in
the lexical lists are graphic. The point is that the incan-
tation may be effective, not against snakebite, but
against the fear of snakes. The recognition of the pho-
bia and the projection of the phobia by identifying the
snake may have been therapeutic because they deal with
the patient's fear itself.

Conclusion

There is no reason to assume that the Mesopotamians
had an entirely different psychological make-up from
modern Europeans. Fear is commonplace, and fear of
the unknown is just as real as the fear of known dan-
gers. In fact, there are often more fears than dangers,
so that it is the fear itself which is the problem, not the
subject of the fear.

Incantations may have actually been effective, be-
cause they tackled that fear. On one level, the patient

M.J. Geller

believes that the incantation will be effective in remov-
ing the demon or preventing his approach, or that it
will counter the activities of witches and other evils.
On another level, the incantation acts upon the patient's
fears and anxieties which he himself cannot recognise
or fully describe. Magic serves as a particular form of
therapy in Mesopotamia by helping to provide defence
mechanisms against various forms of anxiety, depres-
sion and neurosis.

There is no magic in magic.

Department of Hebrew and Jewish Studies
University College London

Acknowledgements

My thanks to the Committee of the Folklore Society for
the invitation to deliver this lecture. Another version
of this material was broadcast over BBC Radio 3 on 28
October 1996, for which I gratefully acknowledge the
assistance and advice of Louise Greenberg. The core of
this material resulted from my year's stay at the Neth-
erlands Institute of Advanced Study (MAS), Wassenaar,
1994-5, and I would like to acknowledge the advice
and criticism of my colleagues in the Research Group
on Magic and Religion in the Ancient Near East. This
article is partly based upon the material collected at
NIAS, which is being published in a volume entitled
Mesopotamian Magic: New Perspectives, edited by K. van
der Toorn and T. Abusch (Groningen, forthcoming).

Notes

According to the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, A/ 2, 326,
the asakku-disease was not mentioned in medical texts, and it
is assumed to be an illness, known primarily in magic, caused
by the asakku -demon. Nevertheless, a specific disease may
have been intended here: in one legal document a wife suf-
fering from asakku-disease allows her husband to take a sec-
ond wife, so long as she herself continues to receive support
(cf. Falkenstein 1956, 8-10).

2 Philip Alexander has offered an interesting evaluation of
dreams which occur in the Babylonian Talmud, following
the usual approach of evaluating dream omens by looking at
the ancient records of the dream together with its interpreta-
tion (Alexander 1995). For our purposes, however, whether
the dream is a good sign or a bad sign is irrelevant. We are
primarily interested in ancient dream reports in terms of what
they reveal about the unconscious mind and about repres-
sion in Freudian terms.

3 Freud refers to the "composite figures" in dreams "which
are not unlike the composite animals invented by the folk-
imagination of the Orient" (Freud ed. Freud 1991, 97). This
recalls the many Mischwesen of Mesopotamian demonology
(cf. Wiggermann 1994, 222-46).

4 Cf. Bab. Talmud Berakot 56a, which records stories of two
rulers, one an unnamed Roman emperor and the second King
Shapur of Persia. The Roman emperor asked R. Joshua b.
Hananya to forecast what he would see in his dream; in re-
sponse Joshua described a vivid dream of the emperor being

forced into servile labour for the Persians. In the second story,
Shapur made the same request of Samuel, the noted astrono-
mer and medic, who responded that the Romans would cap-
ture the emperor and make him grind date stones. In both
cases, the rulers thought about the images all day and then
dreamt about them at night. This report of the power of sug-
gestion fits the Freudian description of dreams being con-
structed of thoughts collected in the unconscious mind dur-
ing the day.

5 Oppenheim did not understand this group of omens.
Since the logogram UM was unclear to him, he translated
each of these omens as "if (a man) does UM to ..." The cor-
rect reading of UM is actually /dih/, which is used here as a
stative of the Akkadian word tehu, literally "to approach,"
but by extension "to make sexual advances towards (some-
one)," or even to "have sexual relations with (someone)," as
the term is used in Summa dlu omens. See Bottero 1992, 117
note 9.

6 CT 39 45 28. I am here citing the Summa dlu omens from
the cuneiform text since there is not yet any modern text edi-
tion of these omens, although they have been discussed by
Ann Guinan (Guinan 1990, 9-14). Related to this may be the
following example of Freud's pleasure principle: "if a man
has intercourse (or talks [Akk. idbumma]) with a woman upon
the bed, and from over the bed he 'rises' (i.e. has an erection,
Akk. itbima) and performs his 'manliness' (ejaculates?, Akk.
zikarutu ipus), that man will have happiness and joy, and wher-
ever he goes he will achieve his desire" (CT 39 44 18).

7 One Summa dlu omen mentions having a wet dream: "If
a man has sex at night and (Akk. ithima) in his dream (var. he
ejaculates and [Akk. iglutma]) he is smeared with his own
semen [Akk. nilsu bullul], he will suffer a loss" (CT 39 44:9;
see Chicago Assyrian Dictionary N 234). The point here is that
a man has a wet dream after having had intercourse, which
is considered to have ominous implications, but is not sug-
gesting a taboo against masturbation.

following upon a similar list as above, one text adds:

Whether you are the (ghost) who has no one who sets
up the (ritual) sceptre,

Whether you are the (ghost) who has no one to utter
his name (at the grave),

Whether you are the (ghost) who has no one to pro-
vide a drink offering, or funerary offering,

Whether you are the (ghost) who has no existing rest-
ing place ...

9 0ne should perhaps bear in mind that the word "knee" in
Akkadian is a euphemism for sexual organs (cf. Chicago
Assyrian Dictionary, B, 255f.).

10 The fact that the Mesopotamians recognised that impo-
tence and performance anxieties were related is obvious from
Summa dlu omens referred to above: "If a man always looks
at his woman's pudendum [Akk. ura (GA 4 . LA) sinnistisu
ittanaplas], he will have good health, and he will acquire
whatever is not his. If a man is facing a woman and he is
always looking at his own penis [Akk. ina sutatisu usarisu
ittanaplas], no matter what he seeks will not be permanent in
his house" (CT 39: 44 19). The astuteness of this observation
is impressive. As is so often the case, modern psychology
recasts into a technical framework old ideas which are well-
represented within folk wisdom.

Freud, Magic and Mesopotamia: How the Magic Works

n The Akkadian translation of this snake is basmu or
"dragon/' although the Sumerian name mus-sa-tur literally
means "womb-snake."

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